Football Fandom as Good Citizenship: Besiktas Fans Do the Right Thing

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In an increasingly globalized world characterized by a growing bureaucratic rationalism within the context of extreme capitalism, it is becoming harder and harder to have real—in the sense of meaningful—ties with our fellow humans. Even national identity—and the very concept of citizenship—has come under attack, with people like the globalist Turkish academic Deniz Ulke Aribogan lamenting citizenship itself: “If you are an individual you have rights. If you are a citizen you have duties,” she says, seemingly irritated by what she calls “walled democracies” which have replaced individual “rights” with “duties”. In her mind, it is the borderless globalist world that would be preferable. Yet in my mind, I know that the idea of a “borderless” world is just as fake as the idea that, in the (neo)liberal “modern” world, everyone has become “tolerant”. Of course, it is so clear that the very opposite is true; in fact it is just the political correctness and faux “tolerance” of the modern world that has only served to paint over the ugliness that resides in so many. Even if the “modern” world tries to paint over its blemishes—enacting smoking bans and even trying to phase out alcohol consumption by replacing it with a synthetic alternative—it is clear that the unpleasant and irrational still exist and will continue to.

On 15 January 2018 a disabled youth was savagely beaten on a minibus in the southern Turkish city of Adana. According to reports, the twenty-year old—who is deaf—was approached by a group of four young men who asked him to move out of their way on the minibus. When he did not respond—since he was deaf—they started attacking him. When he tried to respond via sign language, his assailants redoubled their efforts. After their arrest, the savages—one of whom was a kickboxer and another who was a medical student (!)—claimed that they thought the youth was trying to make obscene gestures while he was just trying to communicate. This sad event is absurd on multiple levels: It is absurd that four healthy people should assault an innocent disabled young man is absurd; that one should be a kickboxer and another a medical student only serves to double the absurdity; yet perhaps the biggest absurdity is that passengers on the minibus did nothing as they saw this ugly beating unfold. The fact that the passengers on this minibus did not speak up only serves to show just how alienated we—as citizens of the modern world—have become from our fellow humans. Just like the modern world paints over unpleasantries like smoking and drinking, the modern rational individual paints over their lack of morals with political correctness and blind adherence to “progressive” ideologies. Yet, it is clear, that the rationality of “modern” man—which says “do not intervene in someone else’s fight”, even when it is clear that a disgusting attack is unfolding—has lost all connection to humanity.



Carsi Stand up For Racism in Football, Even Outside of Turkey. Image Courtesy of:


Thankfully, not all of us have accepted the doctrine of modern “rationalism”. The fan group of the Besiktas football team, Carsi, has been lauded as “A movement for society and self-improvement” ( . Indeed, I have written before on the positive contributions of Carsi to Turkish society whether by standing against authoritarian leadership or supporting earthquake victims. Recently, they stood up for a Brazilian footballer who suffered racist harassment in Serbia. But the team also keeps up with domestic issues in Turkey. In 2015, after learning that Reza Zarrab—the Iranian trader who orchestrated a billion dollar scheme to help the globalist leaders of Turkey skirt sanctions against Iran—had purchased a box seat at Besiktas’s new Vodafone Arena Stadium, Carsi spoke up.


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Carsi Stand Up For Their Country. Image Courtesy Of:


Their Tweet read “BESIKTAS will remain the team of the people, not the team of they who stand with those that say ‘we are going to F*** the nation’”. They were harsh words indeed, but they were words that show Carsi’s odd combination of anarcho-leftism, populism, and nationalism. Indeed, it is a potent combination that resonates with many in Turkey, and for good reason. Indeed, the disabled young man who was savagely assaulted in Adana was invited to Besiktas’ Vodafone arena on 18 January 2018 after he revealed that he was a Besiktas fan. Next week it is hoped that the young man, Agit Acun, will attend Besiktas’ match against Kasimpasaspor.



Young Agit Acun Poses at the Vodafone Arena. Image Courtesy Of:


How quickly Agit Acun’s fortunes turned thanks to his connection to football and the sense of community—of humanity—that the football fans have. In an age where humanity is being slowly whittled down into a wholly rationalized shell—and in a world where industrial football threatens to rationalize football as well—it is good to know that there are some of us who still express the most irrational of human emotions: love. Whether it is love for a football team or love for a fellow citizen, some football fans have it. That is something that we should all be grateful for. In a world increasingly driven by hate, true human compassion and true human emotion is truly a beautiful thing to behold.

Cheers to Besiktas and Cheers to Carsi for keeping it real.



Graffiti in Besiktas. Image Courtesy of the Author.

Jerusalem and Football: In the Age of Industrial Football One Dimensional Thought Invades the Football World, Threatening to Silence the Voice of Fans World Wide

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In the wake of U.S. President Donald Trump’s 7 December 2017 announcement that the United States would recognize Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, the football world took notice. It is notable that fans in both Scotland and Turkey—two culturally distinct locations—protested the Jerusalem decision in a similar manner. In Edinburgh, visiting fans of Glasgow Celtic unveiled a banners that read “Jerusalem is Palestine” and “Fuck Trump”. Meanwhile, in Istanbul, Turkish giants Galatasaray took to the field for their 10 December 2017 match against Akhisar Belediyespor with a banner reading “Jerusalem is Our Red Line” while footballers Younes Belhanda, Yasin Oztekin, and Sofiane Feghouli celebrated a goal in their team’s 4-2 victory by prostrating in prayer in the Islamic fashion. As one banner in the Turk Telekom Arena read—quoting the fourth Muslim caliph Ali—“If you cannot prevent persecution, announce it to everyone!”. Of course, the religious undertones of the Turkish fans’ message are unmistakable while the secular undertones of the Scottish fans’ message are equally unmistakable. They are both examples of global one-dimensional thought.



In Edinburgh, visiting fans of Glasgow Celtic unveiled a banners that read “Jerusalem is Palestine” and “Fuck Trump”. Image Courtesy of:



 “Western fan groups—like, perhaps, Celtic’s fan groups—have long supported the Palestinian cause (they have been fined by UEFA before for displaying Palestinian flags in the stadium)”. Images Courtesy of:




Turkish giants Galatasaray took to the field for their 10 December 2017 match against Akhisar Belediyespor with a banner reading “Jerusalem is Our Red Line” (Bottom) while footballers Younes Belhanda, Yasin Oztekin, and Sofiane Feghouli celebrated a goal in their team’s 4-2 victory by prostrating in prayer in the Islamic fashion (Top).



As one banner in the Turk Telekom Arena read—quoting the fourth Muslim caliph Ali—“If you cannot prevent persecution, announce it to everyone!”. Image Courtesy Of:,AEi4AlvU4kST3TVkeL9BEA/SMIgS97KR0KWQ2ZEhy_7Eg




The Role of Religion in Turkish Society has Slowly Increased During the AKP’s rule. This has, of course, affected the average citizen. The top image is a flyer sent to a friend’s house scolding them for “celebrating” Christmas in a Muslim Country (this despite the fact that they have a church. The Second Image is one designed to show some of the feelings of average Turks; the Graffito reads “Sharia is the Only Way [forward]”. Images Courtesy of the Author.


But this is where the similarities between the fan groups end, for the difference lies in the fact that the message of the Celtic fans was independent; the message of the Galatasaray fans was mandated by the Turkish Football Federation (TFF):

Turkish footballers and fans protested US President Trump’s controversial recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital, unfurling pro-Palestine banners at domestic football matches.

According to Turkish media, protests followed the Turkish Football Federation (TFF) requesting all clubs playing in the Super League, 1st League, 2nd League and 3rd League to open Jerusalem banners while coming out on to the field for their matches this week.

(Baber 2017)

The choreography made by Super League side Yeni Malatyaspor one week later is a perfect example; on 18 December 2017—before their match with Galatasaray—fans of Yeni Malatyaspor revealed a choreography with an image of Jerusalem’s Al-Aqsa Mosque along with the message “Jerusalem is ours”. So why have the football fans in both Scotland and Turkey become so politicized? The answer is somewhere between Zeitgeist and political pressure. While Western fan groups—like, perhaps, Celtic’s fan groups—have long supported the Palestinian cause (they have been fined by UEFA before for displaying Palestinian flags in the stadium) as part of Western European liberal discourse, Turkish fans have tended to be less politicized–generally speaking–regarding the Palestinian/Israeli conflict.



Fans of Yeni Malatyaspor revealed a choreography with an image of Jerusalem’s Al-Aqsa Mosque along with the message “Jerusalem is ours”. Image Courtesy Of:


It seems that the appearance of this topic in Turkish Stadiums currently can be tied to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s recent identity crisis. As Erdogan looks to rebrand himself as a “nationalist”, he has continued his attempts to mold Turkey into a regional hegemon in the Middle East. Indeed, the Turkish Football Federation (TFF) made a decision on 8 December 2017 to require all professional clubs in the Turkish league system (from the Super League to the fourth-tier third division) to enter the field with a banner reading “JERUSALEM IS OUR RED LINE” (a quote from Mr. Erdogan himself) . It is unlikely that this decision was made without political pressure. At the same time, it is clear that Mr. Erdogan’s rhetoric—both inside and outside of the stadium—is directed at international observers. He is not a nationalist; rather he is continually pursuing a globalist agenda that focuses on the world to the detriment of Turkey’s national interests. As a part of this agenda, Mr. Erdogan has recently began directing more threats toward the United States government while also looking to shore up support at home.

In Istanbul, new billboards have been put up that showcase the “righteousness” of Mr. Erdogan’s policies. Members of the Sivil Dayanisma Platformu (Social Solidarity Platform—SDP), a pro-Erdogan and pro-Justice and Development Party (AKP) civil society group, are behind these billboards. One reads “To Defend Jerusalem is to Defend Humanity: The Leader that Defends Humanity—Recep Tayyip Erdogan”. Another reads “Not a World Where the Mighty are Righteous; A World Where the Righteous are Mighty”. As could be expected, pro AKP and pro Erdogan media have celebrated Erdogan’s message to various degrees.



“To Defend Jerusalem is to Defend Humanity: The Leader that Defends Humanity—Recep Tayyip Erdogan”. Image Courtesy Of:



“To Defend Jerusalem is to Defend Humanity: The Leader that Defends Humanity—Recep Tayyip Erdogan”. Image Courtsey of:


Yeni Akit columnist Ahmet Gulumseyen also celebrated the football teams’ message (via their “red line” banners) in his 13 December 2017 column. In his column, Mr. Gulumseyen slams the football fans for their “divisive” role in the 2013 Gezi Park protests (Author’s Note: The football fans were not divisive, as I noted here) while celebrating their “correct” attitude regarding the topic of Jerusalem; apparently for Mr. Gulumseyen the football fans are only useful insofar as they toe the party (the AKP) line. Of course, this is a fascistic line of thought which aims to neuter the social power of football fans. That such a position should come out of Yeni Akit is not surprising; it is—after all—known for its hate speech . According to Al-Monitor, Yeni Akit was cited as one of the major Turkish newspapers most guilty of engaging in hate speech against Armenians, Jews, and Christians. While Mr. Gulumseyen’s article does not constitute hate speech, it is an example of propaganda designed to influence–and perhaps silence–Turkish football fans!

At the same time—and despite Yeni Akit’s support of Mr. Erdogan—it is clear that Mr. Erdogan is as much of a nationalist as Yeni Akit is a newspaper operating with the best interests of the Turkish nation in mind. Just like Yeni Akit denigrates Turkish citizens on the basis of their ethnic identity, Mr. Erdogan continually divides his own people. As Al-Monitor reports, a pair of

new decrees published in the Official Gazette on Dec. 24 grant immunity from prosecution for any person, regardless of whether they were acting in any official capacity, deemed to have been resisting “terrorists” or attempts to overthrow the government during the [15 July 2016] coup [attempt]. Most controversially, it grants similar immunity to the self-appointed guardians acting against anything that could be construed as a “continuation” of the coup attempt.

In effect, the government decree opens the door for vigilante justice; it is the kind of civil strife that the globalist logic encourages all over the world (in order to weaken national cohesion) and it is the kind of civil strife that we must resist if we value our countries and human lives. Clearly, the AKP are not nationalists. At the same time, the football fans are clearly not independent.

Ironically, it is the same case in Israel. Although much of the rhetorical discussion following Mr. Trump’s declaration has mentioned Jerusalem, there has been little discussion of Israeli society in the news. Football provides one small window onto Israeli society; specifically, the football club Beitar Jerusalem shows just how little independence exists among football fans in Israel.

The fans of Beitar proudly proclaim that they are “the most racist fans in the country”. While Beitar’s right-wing Israeli nationalism is certainly disconcerting to observers—to the point that fans left the stadium after one of the team’s first Muslim signings scored a goal for Beitar—it is not altogether surprising. After all, the club’s fans seem to be reflecting the national policies of Israel: Israel is swiftly becoming an apartheid state, and its Arab citizens are both separate and unequal. Thus, it should come as no surprise that one of the country’s leading football clubs has become a haven for racist sentiment. While some fan groups, like Beitar Nordia, have attempted to resist the racism of Beitar’s main fan group “La Familia” it is difficult. This is because, as Sean Oakley notes, “the complicity of Israel’s ruling class with the anti-Arab, Islamophobic bigotry of Beitar’s fanbase has real consequences”; after all, it is the continued division between Jews and Arabs which sustains Israel’s status as one of the worst examples of nationalism in the modern world: a racist form of exclusive ethnic nationalism. Given these examples, it is clear that both Turkish and Israeli fans are not independent of the whims of their respective governments; they are both at the mercy of the messages sent by their respective states. This kind of social control stifles the elements of football fandom which could challenge the state’s hegemony.


Football provides one small window onto Israeli society; specifically, the football club Beitar Jerusalem shows just how little independence exists among football fans in Israel.. Image Courtesy Of:


It should be noted that, since March of 2017, the Beitar club has taken a harsher stance vis-à-vis their racist fans. Still, it will be a difficult process. After all, in Israel, Palestinian football players are sometimes targeted by the state. As Dave Zirin of The Nation puts it, “If you degrade the national team [of Palestine], you degrade the idea that there could ever be a nation”. And it is not just the Israeli state that treats opposing footballers harshly; indeed, the cultural struggles of the region manifest themselves in football-related policies for other countries as well. In August of 2017, Iran condemned two Iranian nationals for just taking the field against an Israeli club while playing for a Greek side in the UEFA Europa League. Given the mutual animosity, it is difficult to envision a separation of politics and football in either Turkey or Israel in the near future.

U.S. President Donald Trump may have seen his recognition of Jerusalem as furthering America’s national interests, since he criticized the countries which voted against the U.S. decision in the U.N. for taking “hundreds of millions of dollars, even billions of dollars and then [voting] against us [the United States]”. While it is clear that “foreign aid” is inherently anti-nationalist (countries like the U.S. would be better off spending money on their own citizens, improving the lives of the impoverished African American and Hispanic communities, for instance, rather than spending on foreign adventures) it is also clear that Mr. Trump’s decision is a mix of low and high risk both domestically and internationally. Given that Jerusalem has, for years, been Israel’s de facto capital, the decision can be seen as low risk. Also, given that foreign aid has—for years—been a burden on the U.S., making a declaration that was bound to alienate most of the world provides a good opportunity for the U.S. to possibly absolve itself of foreign responsibilities (should the costs outweigh the benefits).



View of the Rusting Subway System in New York City, seen from the Cross Bronx expressway on I-95 Southbound. Perhaps investing in  domestic Infrastructure could, indeed, be more profitable than expensive foreign aid campaigns. Image Courtesy of the Author.


At the same time, of course, the decision has fueled anti-Americanism in the wider Middle east (as evidenced by the response from Turkish stadiums) and widened the rift between Israeli Jews and Israeli Muslims (exacerbating the situation which gave Beitar fans their raison d’etre). While we will not immediately know how the fallout from Mr. Trump’s decision will effect the United States, we do know how the fallout has affected Turkish football: It has provided yet another opportunity for the Turkish state to influence the football fans through ideology, thus further dividing the country domestically while also silencing a significant portion of Turkish civil society in the name of a faux (and dangerous) form of exclusive nationalism.

Attendance Figures in the Last Matches of 2017 Reveal a Struggle Between Competing Visions for Turkish Society

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Attendance figures for the penultimate week of the first half of the 2017-2018 Turkish Super League varied greatly, and—according to data cited by Hurriyet—the the total attendance (minus season-ticket holders) of 72,453 paying fans for the 16th week fixtures represented the single biggest week of attendance in the Turkish Super League since the contraversial Passolig system was implemented. The previous record came in the 6th week of the 2017-18 season, when 55,248 fans purchased tickets. This means that the average attendance for the 16th week’s nine matches was almost 15,000 fans; a total of 130,920 fans (including season-ticket holders) attended the matches making for an average attendance of 14,546 fans league wide. While this is certainly an encouraging figure, showing that fans are still willing to attend matches despite the draconian form of social control that the Passolig system entails, a closer look at the individual attendance figures will show that the struggle for cultural hegemony is still ongoing in Turkish football.

As I noted above, attendance figures varied greatly. The highest attendance—33,027 fans—was seen for the match between traditional giants Fenerbahce and bottom-placed Kardemir Karabukspor. The lowest attendance was for the match between strugglers Genclerbirligi and Kasimpasaspor—the team from Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s neighborhood—which saw just 1,599 fans in attendance. The discrepancy here should not be surprising; the traditional giants of Turkish football—Besiktas, Galatasaray, and Fenerbahce—traditionally maintain high attendance figures. The “invented” teams, on the other hand—like Kasimpasaspor—and traditional minor teams that face financial struggles—like Genclerbirligi, founded in 1923—struggle to maintain high attendance figures. This trend was clearly visible in the 17th week, the final week of fixtures in the Turkish Super League’s first half.

According to date from, the traditional sides attracted a healthy number of fans. The contest between Galatasaray and Goztepe in Istanbul saw 45,809 fans in attendance, the match between Atiker Konyaspor and Fenerbahce attracted 20,458 fans in Konya, while Besiktas drew 16,173 fans (filling 87% of the stadium) when they visited Sivasspor. These strong attendance figures show that the traditional powers of Turkish football are still able to attract fans regardless of where they play. Unfortunately, these high attendance figures only tell half of the story. In fact, when we look at other teams, it is clear that local teams—as well as “invented’ teams—fail to draw fans.

The “derby” between teams from two neighboring provinces on the Turkish Riviera, Antalyaspor and Alanyaspor, attracted just 11,785 fans. Antalyaspor’s new stadium—built by the government—was 54% empty in what should have been a hotly contested derby. And while Antalya failed to fill their stadium they still attracted over 10,000 fans, because they actually have fans (the team has played in the top flight of Turkish football for the better part of the last three decades), other teams were not so lucky. Contrast the attendance in Antalya with the attendance for the match between Kasimpasaspor and Basaksehirspor. Normally a city derby—between two neighborhood teams—would draw a large crowd. Especially when one of the teams involved, Basaksehirspor, is topping the table. Yet, in a city of over 15 million people, only 2,265 Istanbullu fans attended the Istanbul “derby”. It is in this match that one can see just how “invented” Istanbul’s new teams are; neither of them have fans or any real football culture. That one of the teams in question should be topping the table—yet not even draw 3,000 fans in a city with a population of 15 million—is absurd to say the least.



Last Week In Istanbul I Caught a Glimpse of the Recep Tayyip Erdogan Stadium During Kasimpasaspor’s Match With Istanbul Basaksehir. The Two Invented Teams Failed To Fill the Stadium in What Should be a Local “Derby”. Image Courtesy Of The Author.


Yet this was not the only absurdity of the final week of the first half of the 2017-2018 season, since there was an even lower attendance! In the match between Osmanlispor (Ottoman Sports Club) and Akhisar Belediyespor; Ajansspor reported an attendance of 199 (!) but their figure may have been generous since Oda TV reported an attendance of 181. Regardless what the true figure is, that a top flight match in a football crazed country like Turkey should attract less than one thousand fans is embarrassing to say the least. The reasons for such a low attendance figure, however, can be traced back to politics.

Both Istanbul Basaksehirspor and Osmanlispor [Ankara] are “invented” teams, so to speak; both were invented by the ruling AKP government to provide alternatives to the teams that currently hold a hegemonic position in Turkish football (Besiktas, Fenerbahce, Galatasaray in Istanbul; Genclerbirligi and Ankaragucu in Ankara). Due to their lack of any “real” fan base (fostered out of a neighborhood or class identity in the manner of many European clubs), these artificially created teams struggle to attract fans. Osmanlispor’s struggles have been compounded by a power struggle within the Turkish political establishment. When President Recep Tayyip Erdogan forced out the mayor of Ankara, Melih Gokcek, on 28 October 2017 it meant that Osmanlispor had lost a major benefactor. Mr. Gokcek’s 23-year long reign in Ankara coincided with a lot of social engineering in the form of urban development (the odd structures he built in Ankara have become legendary; among them were a dinosaur and a giant robot–the latter got him sued by the Turkish Chamber of Architects and Engineers for wasting taxpayer money on . . . a robot statue in a traffic island).



The Fact That I am Even Typing the Phrase “A Giant Robot on a Traffic Island” is Certainly Absurd–But Perhaps Not as Absurd as the Fact that Hard-Earned Taxpayer Money Was Spent on This Monstrosity; It is the Ultimate Insult to Ankara’s Working Class. Image Courtesy Of:


But giant robot statues were not the only thing that Mr. Gokcek spent taxpayer money on. He also spent money on getting Osmanlispor’s previous incarnation—Ankara Buyuksehir Belediyespor (the municipality’s team) promoted to the top flight of Turkish football. After a conflict of interest (as Mr. Gokcek took over ownership of one of Ankara’s oldest teams, Ankaragucu), Ankara Buyuksehir Belediyespor became Ankaraspor and ultimately Osmanlispor (the neo-Ottoman undertones should be unmistakable here; it is a topic I have written about before). Mr. Gokcek even spent time sending municipal employees to Osmanlispor games in a bid to boost their attendance figures. Now that new mayor Mustafa Tuna is in office however, the municipal employees are no longer going to the stadium, which explains the low attendance figures for Osmanlispor’s final home match before the Turkish Super League’s winter break. Ankaragucu fans delighted in the development, of course, joking on Twitter that more than 200 people watch the municipality’s backhoes during construction.


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Ankaragucu Fans Amuse Themselves on Social Media With the Apalling Emptiness of Osmanlispor’s Stadium. Images Courtesy Of:


While it is refreshing that this corrupt politician’s meddling in the sports world is finally coming to light, it remains to be seen if the attempted social engineering of Turkish society through sport can be reversed. Istanbul Basaksehir is currently leading the Turkish Super League at the halfway point despite being unable to make it out of a weak UEFA Europa League group consisting of Hoffenheim, Sporting Braga, and Ludogorets Razgrad, suggesting that the team’s success is purely domestic. Also, not only is Istanbul Basaksehir the team with the highest rate of successful completed passes in the Turkish Super League, it is also the team which has committed the least amount of fouls this year. These observations suggest that while Istanbul Basaksehirspor are certainly a good side, they might also be getting by with a little help from the (Turkish) referees as well. Time will tell just how far this particular social engineering project will go, since there can be no doubt that the failure of the Osmanlispor project will have repercussions in Turkish football going forward.

Turkish Football Results Might Depend on Political Developments (But Don’t Depend on Lamestream (Western) Media for Real Analyses)


On Saturday 21 October Ankara Mayor Melih Gokcek was over the moon as his team won 3-0 against Kardemir Karabukspor at home. The response was typical, since it was just Osmanlispor’s second victory of the season (and not enough to lift them off of the bottom spot). Osmanlispor—or Ottoman Football Club—is one of the Turkish football league’s “project teams”; part and parcel of the Turkish state’s attempt to create a new hegemony through sport. Currently, however, the team run by the Ankara Mayor’s son Ahmet Gokcek has fallen on hard times. The attempt to create a neo-Ottoman hegemony through sports has stalled due to a crisis among the the ruling elite of the Turkish state; Ankara mayor Melih Gokcek’s resignation was reportedly requested by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan as early as 5 October 2017.  Mr. Gokcek, however, has refused to resign and has instead exacerbated a power struggle within the Turkish state. On the surface, the Turkish state presents it as a struggle between pro-Erdogan and pro-Fethullah Gulen forces; a battle between two factions of globalists for the soul of the Turkish nation. As an ardent nationalist, I clearly do not side with either of these factions (and I also root against Osmanlispor). But, in lieu of a detailed analysis of this latest power struggle in Turkish politics, I would rather send a message to globalist media.



Melih Gokcek Celebrates…For Now. Image Courtesy Of:


I am an honest hard-working individual who struggles to get by with the wages provided for me by my home institution. It is my hope that, after getting my PhD, I will be able to become a full-fledged independent writer. My only issue is that I am currently engaged in an unequal fight against . . . globalist media. While mainstream (or “lamestream”) media claims that they are providing “free” and “independent” media, they are doing nothing of the sort. In fact, a recent piece in The Guardian blatantly plagiarized from this blog. Writer Emre Sarigul’s 12 October 2017 piece follows the same team, Altinordu, I wrote about in my 14 August 2017 piece. Unfortunately, The Guardian’s Emre Sarigul neglected to cite this blog in his piece. While the Guardian claims to want to make the world a “fairer place”, it is clear that they also give a space to plagiarizing writers on their website. This is unacceptable for any journalistic organization, and all readers would do well to see The Guardian’s hypocrisy. Their website claims:


We want to make the world a better, fairer place. We want to keep the powerful honest. And we believe that doing so means keeping society informed by producing quality, independent journalism, which discovers and tells readers the truth.

It’s essential for the functioning of democracy. And our unique ownership structure means no one can tell us to censor or drop a story.


While The Guardian claims to uphold the lofty goals of preserving “democracy” they also clearly support writers—like Emre Sarigul—who are noted plagiarizers; in fact this is not the first time that Mr. Sarigul has stolen ideas. That such a writer should be supported by The Guardian shows the failure of Western “liberal” media.


I will never ask for “crowd-funding” or other money-making gimmicks; I will always write for my audience free of charge. That said, however, it is clear that I cannot continue writing this blog if my ideas are continually stolen without receiving credit. Therefore, I am sorry to announce an indefinite hiatus; I cannot—with good conscience—continue to write for the profit of plagiarizers like Mr. Emre Sarigul. Until globalist—and (lamestream) media like The Guardian apologize, I will be forced to keep my posts to a minimum. I will also encourage readers who value my writing to contact The Guardian and encourage them to re-assess the vetting policies for their writers. Stealing ideas is no different than stealing property; that is why it is called “Intellectual Property”. Stolen ideas produce FAKE NEWS.

The Humor of the ZIraat Turkish Cup First Round Offers Some Relief for the Turkish Football Scene

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22 August 2017 was a rough day for Turkish football fans. Istanbul Basaksehirspor—a team I have written about in the past—was a post away from qualifying for the UEFA Champions League in their tie with Sevilla FC. Meanwhile, the chairman of Atiker Konyaspor—Turkish Super Cup champions—Ahmet San was questioned by prosecutors for having ByLock (an app used by the alleged planners of the 15 July 2016 coup) on his phone. After being questioned by prosecutors, his cellular telephone and computer were confiscated while he himself was released. After being released Mr. San resigned from his post at the head of Konyaspor, but it did little to quell the controversy.



Mr. San Has Resigned, But The Controversy Rages On. Image Courtesy Of:


Former Goalkeeper Omer Catkic Was Arrested For Possessing the Same App as Mr. San. Image Courtesy Of:


An MP from the ruling Justice and Development party (AKP), Metin Kulunk, questioned the decision to release Mr. San and asked the rhetorical question “Is there someone protecting this person [Mr San]?”. Indeed, it is a good question since—on the same day—former goalkeeper Omer Catkic was arrested for having the same “Bylock” app on his phone as Mr. San! Mr. Kulunk went on to say that the state needs to get tougher on FETO’s organization in Turkish football and that “football’s intestines must be cleaned”. (Here FETO refers to the Fethullah Terrorist Organization, a loose group of the followers of Islamic cleric Fethullah Gulen who is blamed for masterminding last summer’s failed coup attempt). Regardless of whether or not Mr. San is guilty, the double standard in use here is unmistakable. Since Konyaspor have reached unprecedented heights—experiencing the most successful period in the club’s history—due to investors with ties to “green capital” (businesses connected to the conservative community), it is clear that the Turkish state does not want to alienate too many of their supporters. It will be interesting the follow the fall out from this latest development but, in the meantime, I will share some new from the lighter side of football.

22 August 2017 was also the first round of the Ziraat Turkish cup, the national cup competition that brings together teams from all corners of Turkey. Since the first round is played by teams from provinces that are not represented in the top four (professional) leagues, this is grassroots football at its best. Turkish television showed five of the matches live, and it was a good way for fans to appreciate Turkey’s geographic diversity. Even if fans couldn’t go in person, they could see the different scenery ranging from the Central Anatolian steppe behind MKE Kirikkalespor’s stadium to the majestic peak of Mount Ararat rising behind Igdirspor’s stadium in Turkey’s easternmost province. The Aegean hinterland was represented by the derby between Kutahyaspor and Tavsanli Linyitspor, while the black sea could be seen behind the stand of Sinopspor’s stadium (even if it was blocked by one gentleman’s head in the broadcast).

Twitter users laughed at the small idiosyncrasies of small town football—like the post which blocked the view of television cameras in Sinop’s stadium, the weight of some of the amateur players, or the policeman who wandered onto the pitch seemingly oblivious to the match being played. As one Twitter user said, “if there is a better sports organization than this one, please tell us”. In response to the poor policeman’s embarrassing gaffe, an editor of an online news aggregator penned the headline “I cannot watch a match in another country!”. While the football may not have been great, these small moments from the first round of the Ziraat Turkish Cup gave Turkish fans something to laugh about and that is something to be celebrated during these troubling times. Football can unite just as it can divide, and in this case the Ziraat Turkish Cup allows fans to appreciate all parts of Turkish life regardless of what region of Turkey they may live in. I share with you some of the best moments from the first round and congratulate all the teams that have moved onto the second round!


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Clearly, Sinopspor’s Stadium Is Not Made For Televised Matches. Image Courtesy Of:


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The Gentleman Is Not Only Blocking the View of the Field, But Also Of the Black Sea! No, There Might Not Be a Better Sports Organization Than This One. Image Courtesy Of:


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The Footballers In the Lower Leagues Are…Not the Fittest. Image Courtesy Of:



The Snowcapped Summit of Mount Ararat Rises Behind the Stands of Igdirspor’s Stadium in Turkey’s Easternmost Province. Image Courtesy Of the Author (From ASpor Channel).


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The Plains of Central Anatolia Behind the Stands of MKE Kirikkalespor’s Stadium. Image Courtesy Of the Author (From ASpor Channel).


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It Feels Like Your’e In the Stadium! As Fans Lean Over In the Stands, They Block the Cameras During the Kutahya Derby. Image Courtesy Of the Author (From ASpor Channel).

Turkish Super Cup Fiasco Shows the Deepening of a New Hegemony in Turkish Football



New Season, Same Old Story. Image Courtesy Of:


The Turkish Super Cup contested between Besiktas and Konyaspor on 6 August 2017 descended into violence between rival groups of fans (for video, please click here), showing that–once again–the E-ticketing system (Passolig) has done little to curb stadium violence. Instead, the social divisions that the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has encouraged over the course of its fifteen year rule spilled onto the pitch. Euronews (from Reuters) reported:


Supporters of Atiker Konyaspor, the main team from Turkey’s central Anatolian province of Konya, chanted slogans accusing Besiktas and its fans of links to the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), which has waged a three-decade insurgency against the state. Fans of Besiktas, an Istanbul side whose supporters include a vocal leftist element, responded with a song popular among secular Turks, aimed at the rival fans from Turkey’s conservative heartland. The two groups rushed onto the field and fought after the final whistle.


That Besiktas’s fans should be accused of being terrorists is absurd, but so is the conservative fans’ revulsion to Besiktas’s fans singing the Izmir Marsi seeing as how it is…a nationalist song (for video, please click here). Is not Konya part of Turkey? Apparently, the divisions sown by the AKP run deep.

Yet, for all of the failures of the Passolig system to prevent violence, one thing it did succeed in was uncovering “undesirable” fans—those fans who have political messages. Arrest warrants were issued for seventeen fans for opening a banner “in support of two educators [academic Nuriye Gülmen and primary school teacher Semih Özakça] who have been on hunger strikes for over 150 days”. According to the authorities these two are members of the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C), an outlawed leftist group in Turkey. How the banner ended up in the stadium is a mystery. Another mystery is how a switchblade knife, of all things, not only got into the stadium but got onto the field of play.



Somehow, a Bad Banner Got Into The Stadium . . . Image Courtesy Of:



Along With a Switchblade Knife! Image Courtesy of:


Despite “tough” security measures (including the presence of 1200 police officers and 1100 private security guards), scores of violent fans entered the stadium and brawled, causing large amounts of damage to the brand new Yeni 19 Mayis Stadium.



The Aftermath of Senseless Violence. Image Courtesy Of:


Despite what seems to have been complete chaos, it is amusing that there was one thing that was not allowed in the stadium: A banner reading Yasa Mustafa Kemal Pasa Yasa (Long Live Mustafa Kemal Pasa), supporting the founding father of the Turkish Republic Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. Although this is absurd—and very surprising, considering what was allowed inside the stadium—it is part of the consolidation of a new hegemony in Turkish society, one that aims to roll back the traditions of the secular Turkish state both politically and—more importantly—culturally; this is why sports has become such a battle ground in the culture wars.



Apparently, This Was One Of the Few Items That Was Successfully Kept Out Of the Stadium. Image Courtesy Of:


Fikret Orman, President of the Besiktas club, defended the authorities decision to not allow the pro-Ataturk banner, saying “Stada gelen insanlar, siyasi slogan atmaya değil, yıldızları izlemeye geliyor. Siyaset yapmak isteyen, partilere gidebilir (People come to the stadium not to yell political slogans but to watch the stars. Those who want to do politics can go to the [political] parties),” but he did not acknowledge the absurdity of allowing a knife—and not a banner—into a stadium. After all, is Mustafa Kemal Ataturk as the founding father of the Turkish Republic, not beyond politics for those who believe in Turkish civic (I remind you, not ethnic) nationalism? It is not when the matter at hand is cementing a new kind of hegemony. Besiktas, as one of Turkish football’s traditional powers representing the eponymous liberal district of Istanbul, is the antithesis of what their opponents on the night, Konyaspor, represent. Konya is Turkey’s most conservative province, located deep in the country’s Central Anatolian heartland. The team is backed by the “green capital” of Islamic businessmen who have prospered during the past 15 years of AKP rule, and their goal is to challenge the existing status quo in Turkish football.

And they are not alone in mounting this challenge, as another banner controversy will show. Istanbul’s Basaksehirspor (An invented team I wrote about in passing when I wrote about Gazisehir Gaziantep Football Club) are the long term project of the Turkish state, and this is why they will be playing for a spot in the UEFA Champions League on 16 August 2017. Even foreign commentators have noted Basaksehir’s attempts to challenge Istanbul’s traditional giants. A recent article in the United Arab Emirates’ The National opens with this passage, referring to last week’s Champions League qualifier with Belgian side Club Brugge: “The Turkish president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, made a point of being at the stadium of the club he supports two weeks back. Erdogan likes to be associated with victory . . .”. Since Basaksehir is the team Mr. Erdogan supports, they did not have any problem getting a banner reading “Baskomutan (Commander in Chief)” alongside Mr. Erdogan’s portrait into the stadium. The term historically refers to Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, but this re-writing of history is typical of a changing Turkey.



A Kafkaesque Situation: Supporting the Current Leader of Turkey In the Stadium Is Allowed, Yet Supporting the Founder of Turkey In the Stadium Is Not Allowed. Image Courtesy Of:


And now Basaksehirspor will face Sevilla in a bid to further their challenge to Turkish football’s traditional powers. Even the team’s Tweets reflect the crude nature of Turkey’s new ruling class. After besting Club Brugge in the previous round of Champions League qualifiers, the team asked Sevilla “Don’t you want to win the Europa League once again Sevilla FC?” [Author’s Note: The team that loses the final qualifying round tie for the Champions League earns a spot in UEFA’s second tier competition, the Europa League]. Sevilla FC responded to Basaksehir’s jab brilliantly with “Thanks, but we have a lot of them …. Better the first one for you”. For a team with minimal European experience (eight matches in total), Basaksehir’s gall can only be classified as classless but that is sadly the manner of behavior that has become de rigeur in Turkey these days (please recall a post I wrote criticizing Turkish Airlines’ claim that their airport lounge in Istanbul is bigger than some airports).




An Interesting Exchange Between Official Twitter Accounts. Images Courtesy Of:


Since a member of the AKP claimed a few weeks ago that “a new state had already been formed” in the wake of last summer’s failed coup, it has become clear that there is a real attempt to consolidate the gains of the last 15 years ahead of President Erdogan’s power-grab election in 2019, especially given the large scale dissatisfaction with AKP rule that surfaced during the April 2017 referendum. This attempt at hegemonic consolidation manifests itself in all facets of Turkish society, and sports is–as always–no exception.



Image Courtesy Of:



Globalization as Imperialism with a Kinder Face: The Case of the Sports World


After discussing the recent 2017 IAAF World Track and Field Championships held in London with a friend, I was struck just how clearly the sports world shows that globalization is imperialism with a friendlier face. Just as Michel Foucault argues in Discipline and Punish, changing forms of punishment—from violent torture to confinement in modern prison systems—made punishment less barbaric while simultaneously further legitimizing it, globalization makes imperialism more palatable to the “modern” mind. Exploitation of the global south by the global north, and poorer countries by richer countries, continues unabated in the globalist world.

Reviewer David J. Rothman notes that, for Foucault, systems like schools, factories, hospitals, and prisons:


expanded the scope of discipline and legitimized it. It turned the individual into a “case,” which simultaneously helped to explain his actions and to control them. The very concept of the individual as a case represented a “thaw” that liberated scientific knowledge (to think of the patient as a case was the beginning of medical innovation), and at the same time expanded institutional means of control (for example, the right of the hospital to confine the mentally ill). Thus, a case approach “at one and the same time constitutes an object for a branch of knowledge and a hold for a branch of power.”

In the instance of the prison, this case orientation encouraged the expansion of knowledge in such disciplines as criminology, psychology and eventually psychiatry. Concomitantly, it legitimized incarceration in the name of treatment. Since the institution could cure, it was proper to confine.


With the advent of modern prison systems punishment was refined and, in the process, became more pervasive. This is no different than the evolution of international power structures from those represented by imperialism and colonialism in the past and those created by globalization in the present.

Emin Colasan, a Turkish columnist, wrote an article on 12 August 2017 regarding “Devsirme” Turkish athletes. The term itself is from Ottoman history, once used to refer to the Janissary Corps, but now used to refer to naturalized foreigners, particularly in sports. Mr. Colasan notes that Turkey’s two medalists in the recent IAAF Track and Field Championships were not in fact Turkish at all: Cuban Yasmani Copello won a silver medal in the 400 meter hurdles while Azeri Ramil Guliev won gold in an upset victory in the 200 meter event. While this is of course an unbelievable achievement for these two athletes (as a former track and field athlete myself, I know the hard work the sport requires), it would be wrong to characterize it as an achievement for Turkish sport itself since these athletes were not products of Turkish sporting infrastructure. Mr. Colasan provides another example in the Turkish National Women’s Basketball Team, where Americans like Quanitra Hollingsworth represent Turkey in international competitions. For Hollingsworth it is a “business arrangement” ( that will ultimately help her career—but it won’t help the careers of native Turkish basketball players who may hope to one day represent their country.




The Internationalization of Turkish Sport, from Ramil Guliev to Quanitra Hollingsworth. While this is of course a positive development for these two athletes in particular, it might not be as positive for native athletes. Images Courtesy of: (TOP) and (BOTTOM).


The importing of foreign sports stars is something that Qatar, among other oil rich gulf states, is notorious for. Deutsche Welle, writing about Qatar’s 2015 success in handball, notes that only four of Qatari team was actually from Qatar. The team made up of players from Bosnia, Montenegro, Serbia, France, Spain, and Cuba “had been enticed to play for the Gulf state thanks to six figure winning bonuses. They were also guaranteed a life long pension, if the team reached the semifinals”. Deutsche Welle offers a thinly veiled defense of Qatari actions, calling it true globalization and further justifying it by comparing it to the actions of major European football clubs:



The Newest Qatari, Danijel Saric (Formerly of Serbia). Image Courtesy Of:


Qatar’s approach in this instance is no different to the way that big European football clubs operate. They search for talent worldwide, then sign them up and then train them. It’s just that Qatar’s sheikhs are doing it at the national team level, not for a club.

Some people might find it immoral, and maybe it is. But in high-level professional sport, where lots of money is involved and success is the most important currency, the approach is pretty common.


Again, it is the importance of “money” that drives Qatar’s—and Turkey’s—desire to obtain foreign athletes. Unfortunately, it is the kind of short-sighted policy that defines the actions of globalist leaders the world over. Rather than develop their own sporting cultures and infrastructure countries are trying to buy success; rather than develop indigenous technologies and businesses countries would rather privatize existing state run industries and import from multinational corporations. Such policies do little to encourage long term home-grown economic growth and the profits stream out of developing countries to the home-countries of multinational corporations based in the developed world.

What Deutsche Welle also misses—by comparing Qatar’s actions to those of “the big European football clubs”—is that the actions of those clubs is also imperialism disguised as globalization; footballers are imported to Europe from poorer countries in Latin America and Africa in a modern day exploitation of the global South in sports. The results have not been great for Latin American clubs, as a courser look at the history of the FIFA World Club Championship (later FIFA Club World Cup) shows: While the competition was roughly equal in the 1960s, 1970s, and 1980s (South America won 6 championships to Europe’s 4 from 1960-69 while Europe won 7 championships to South America’s 11 from 1970 to 1989) the advent of globalization changed the balance from 1990 onward. From 1990 to 2004 Europe won 10 championships to South America’s 5 and after the start of the FIFA Club World Cup in 2004 South America has won just 3 competitions to Europe’s 9 (the last time a South American participant won was 2012). Because of the globalization of sport poorer countries have no incentive to develop sporting infrastructure. South American and African clubs will sell young players off (the raw materials of world football) at cheap prices for them to be refined at major European clubs; countries like Turkey and Qatar will just buy sporting success in lieu of developing their sporting infrastructure. In this respect human beings become commodified; both processes are similarly short cited and create a vicious cycle in terms of both sporting and economic development.

Perhaps the most obvious manifestation of imperialism and sports can be found by looking at the make up of international football teams. The French national side of the 1980s (immediately following decolonization) was mainly a European team. The team that represented France at the 2016 European Championships was mainly an African team, the results of years of French Colonialism. Belgium is no different, and King Leopold’s horrific actions in the Belgian Congo will not be erased by Vincent Kompany’s success on the pitch representing Belgium any more than French domination of Algeria was erased by Zinedine Zidane’s brilliance. That European countries still reap the benefits of colonialism is shocking; that European neo-colonialism—under the guise of sporting globalization—continues unabated is disappointing.



The French Side at the 1984 European Championships. Image Courtesy Of:



The French Side at the 2016 European Championships. Image Courtesy Of:


As I have argued, the current globalized world is one that puts a kinder face on imperialism, masking some real issues. While it is certainly a positive development that Belgium has started to recognize the footballing success of African footballers specifically, I can’t help but wonder what it would be like if these players could represent Congo instead of Belgium. If African football is to develop—and an African team is to win a World Cup—the best players cannot be continually outsourced to Europe. Such policies serve to continually retard the growth of African football.



Image Courtesy Of:


I hope that more clubs take a suggestion from the Turkish second division club Altinordu, whose motto is “A good person, a good citizen, a good footballer”. Founded in Izmir in 1923, Altinordu deliberately took a Turkish name (literally “Golden Horde”) so as to represent Turkish nationalism following the founding of the Turkish Republic in the same year. As the team’s motto shows, there is a real nationalist undercurrent that puts citizenship and individual character before being a footballer. Most importantly, the team’s policies are actually positive for Turkish football. The club will not sign non-Turkish players, and puts an emphasis on nurturing homegrown talent instead. The team narrowly missed promotion to the Turkish Super League last season with a roster whose average age was less than 23. The team’s chairman Mehmet Seyit Ozkan made headlines last year when he said “Even if [Argentine star Lionel] Messi wants to play for Altinordu for free, I would definitely reject him”. Mr. Ozkan underlined “I believe in our young Turkish players. I’m giving chances to them”. This kind of policy can only help Turkish football in the long run since one contributing factor in Turkish football’s recent decline has been the rising number of non-Turkish players; clubs have no incentive to develop home grown talent because a 2015 rule change allowed Turkish teams to field an XI made up entirely of foreign players. In 2016 the Turkish Super League was made up of 47.5 percent non-Turkish players; it is a similar situation to what is seen in the English Premier League (and we all know what year it was the last time England won a major football tournament (!).

Whether football fan or not, we should all be concerned about the negative effects of globalization and be prepared to discuss different perspectives. Even if it seems to be more humane, the current system is reminiscent of the bold faced imperialism and colonialism of the past, benefitting the global north at the expense of the global south. In order to encourage long term growth worldwide—both culturally and economically—it is prudent to recognize that globalization is far from an unequivocally positive trend.



Globalization Has In Fact Exacerbated Inequality In The West. Image Courtesy Of:



An Amusing Picture Describes the Thin Line Separating Cultural Imperialism from Globalization. Image Courtesy Of:

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